Political Policing – The Aftermath of Coolock

Foreword

It has been said by many that they no longer recognise the Ireland or Dublin that they grew up in. Large portions of the Inner City have been left derelict; used syringes litter the streets, shop shutters are emblazoned with graffiti etc., it resembles a dumping ground more than a place where people are meant to eat, sleep, and work. While Dublin has never been baroque or extravagant (The Spire and the new Liberty Hall are hardly architectural marvels), there has been a clear aesthetic degradation of our capital city. The newfound ugliness of Dublin is only one side of the coin, locals and tourists alike do not feel safe here either. Petty criminals and other undesirables are allowed to loiter and thieve around markets and other pedestrian areas without any fear of repercussions. It could be argued that the lack of enforcement has led to a power vacuum that has been filled by thugs; there is a feeling however that some people who find themselves opposite the law are given a free pass, while others are ruthlessly punished for trivial offences. This phenomenon has become widespread around Europe, so much so that it has been given its own name: Anarcho-Tyranny. What appears at first to be an oxymoronic term is so very real, would you be surprised anymore by the liberal hypocrisy?

On Recent Events

Communities across the country have been demonstrating against the forcible plantations of fraudulent economic migrants into their towns and villages. The media coverage of late has given the impression that organised opposition to these schemes are novel activities, those of you reading that have longer memories will recall the events of Lisdoonvarna in early 2018.

Lisdoonvarna tried to teach the Irish State a valuable lesson a few years ago: If you ask the Irish people if they consent to their replacement, the answer will be a resounding ‘No’. The Irish State gave the people a lesson of their own: ‘No’ is not an acceptable answer. Ever since Lisdoonvarna, locals affected by new plantation schemes have not been afforded consultation or any other avenue to express their disapproval. Locals aren’t even informed of the existence of these projects; the contracts are signed behind closed doors with builders/renovators and the ‘New Irish’ being ushered in under the cover of darkness. These sordid arrangements are a gross betrayal of the government’s duties to its citizens. Locals relied on inside information and leaks to discover if they were the latest recipients of a new plantation centre with protests quickly gathering around the designated sites. These demonstrations have remained peaceful at all times, that was until the Public Order Unit showed up.

With popular opinion shifting against the government on the matter of migration, the State needed to employ a different strategy when dealing with political dissenters. The hammer was coming down, and it was coming down on Newtownmountkennedy. When the State said that ‘No’ was not an acceptable answer, they also meant that saying ‘No’ would be considered a crime. The protestors of Newtownmountkennedy were made aware of this with each blast of pepper spray, each blow from a baton, and each bash from a riot shield. Newtownmountkennedy has changed the political landscape irreversibly and nationalist activists must come to terms with An Garda Síochána’s application of political policing.

That brings us to Coolock. The protests in Coolock have been ongoing for months without incident, things only turned sour once the Public Order Unit decided on giving the locals the ‘Newtownmountkennedy treatment’. Vague arrests were made pursuant to questionable interpretations of the Public Order Act and pensioners were left battered and bruised for simply being in the area. This isn’t the first time we’ve had qualms with An Garda Síochána over policing methods, but this occasion marks a severe and unforgivable escalation and a complete shattering of whatever remaining trust there was in our law enforcement institutions.

Radical left-wing movements have issued blanket condemnations of the police for perceived grievances, calling for their total abolition in some instances. Establishment conservatives have attempted to respond to this ludicrous proposition with an equally ridiculous suggestion that the police deserve unconditional and unequivocal respect. Justice can only be restored if an intelligent policy and ethos is furthered that guarantees the fundamental rights of Irish people and protects them from targeted harassment and overreach. Giving a trigger-happy stooge a badge and the power to clear out a McDonalds does not constitute law and order, law and order is about protecting the innocent and punishing the guilty. The National Party is the party of law and order.

The Nationalist View on Ethical Policing

How should nationalists view the police? Between the undying scepticism of the left and the unwavering support of the conservatives, there ought to be a saner approach towards the provision of justice in Ireland. First, let us analyse both positions and understand the ideological limitations of each.

The extreme leftist position is anarchist in its origin. Recognising no authority other than the individual, any external party’s attempt to control an individual’s destiny is a fundamental affront to their humanity. Under this theory, there can be no rational basis for laws or any instrument that seeks to compel or dissuade behaviour using threatened or actualised violence. If there is no conception of the law, that necessitates the absence of any ancillary institutions to the law (police, prisons etc.). This is the essence of the ACAB and prison abolition movements, ‘be gay, do crime’ being a slogan of the more infantile libertarian socialists.

In relation to the anarchist position, both liberal thinkers and thinkers of the political right acknowledge an ontological shortcoming: As the individual is not the only social entity, the individual is expected to surrender certain rights to a governmental body in order to ensure the commonwealth of the collective. While the liberals and the political right share this understanding, there is a difference in definitions. What is the ‘commonwealth’ and who are the ‘collective’? Put simply, what goal is the state oriented towards achieving?

The difference between the liberal thinker and the thinker of the right is the rejection or affirmation of the political itself. The liberal argues that man walks alone, that he is not bound to a given community, that men in the absence of sovereign power exist in perpetual conflict to each other, and if only they yielded to said sovereign power could a telluric utopia be created. The man of the right believes that man is bound and inextricable from his community (the family and the nation at large), that sovereign power exists to protect the posterity of the community it is sourced from. He realises that there is ourselves and there are others, and that his culture has uniquely developed as a cohesive structure allowing for social harmony, common defence, and the proliferation of the race.

Our regime practices a modern revision of the liberal philosophy. Diversity, equity, and inclusion are the hallmarks of the telluric utopia they seek, and we are expected to sacrifice our livelihoods and our national survival to reach that end. A state that is totally mobilised to meet that end cannot be seen as legitimate or representative in the eyes of any right-minded person.

The modern conservative fails to see that he aids the liberal regime by pledging fealty to its anti-national enforcement apparatus. It exists by design to crush defiance and brutally re-assimilate rebellious voices into the globalist world order. Waiting on a mystical personage within An Garda Síochána to issue a denouncement and order an organisation-wide 180° is a useless endeavour. The only solution is a complete top-down restructuring in accordance with a nationalist vision towards justice.

Going Forward

Those disturbed by the events in Newtownmountkennedy and Coolock will be unnerved to hear that this is only the beginning of goon squad tactics being unleashed on peaceably-assembled nationalist protestors. The regime and their complicit allies in the press will seek (as they’ve already done) to plaster headlines of arrest numbers across the news space in order to discredit the genuine efforts of honest people across the country. If there was ever a time for solidarity in the nationalist movement, that time is now. We cannot allow our enemies to dictate when/where/how we engage in activism and demand that it be sufficiently ‘politically correct’ lest it be shut down.

We cannot buy the lie that we are bandwagoning on what is merely a local issue. The plantation of Coolock is not an isolated incident, there has not been a single county left untouched by the destructive hand of direct provision. There is also the obvious irony that a sympathetic Irish person from 30 minutes down the road is declared to be an outside infiltrator and agitator, but a migrant from 5,000 miles away has a right to be here and is entitled to full franchise. The purpose of the ‘local issue’ myth is to keep the protests as small and as hidden as possible.

They don’t believe it’s a local issue when members of An Garda Síochána are called from the four corners of this island to take up weapons to physically supress public gatherings, and that’s the way they’d like to keep it. It’s a lot easier to thump and wallop people when you don’t see them serving you in a restaurant or bar, cutting your hair, delivering your post, or teaching your children.

It’s a time for solidarity and it’s a time to be fearless. In the words of Pádraig Pearse, “They think that they have purchased half of us and intimidated the other half.” There is no bribe we will take or any beating that will change our minds. “Nothing that has happened or that can ever happen can alter the truth of it. Ireland belongs to the Irish”

This article was written by a member of the National Party. To summit an article for consideration email us at [email protected].